Jeremy Adam Smith
UC Berkeley
 We know in our gut when we’re hearing a good story—and research is starting to explain why. 
 Stories are told in the body.
It doesn’t seem that way. We tend to think of stories as emerging 
from consciousness—from dreams or fantasies—and traveling through words 
or images to other minds. We see them outside of us, on paper or on 
screen, never under the skin.
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But we do 
feel stories. We know in our gut when we’re hearing a good one—and science is starting to explain why. 
Experiencing a story alters our neurochemical processes, and stories 
are a powerful force in shaping human behavior. In this way, stories are
 not just instruments of connection and entertainment but also of 
control. 
We don’t need the science of storytelling to tell a story. We do, 
however, need science if we want to understand the roots of our 
storytelling instinct and how tales shape beliefs and behavior, often 
below conscious awareness. As we’ll discuss, science can help us to 
defend ourselves in a world where people are constantly trying to push 
our buttons with the stories they tell.
The better we understand how stories unfold in our bodies, the more 
equipped we are to thrive in the story-rich environment of the 
twenty-first century.
Punched in the gut
Imagine your attention as a spotlight. When someone tells you a story, they are attempting to control that spotlight. They are 
manipulating you. 
We all do this every day, all the time. You try to hold attention as 
you tell a story to coworkers over coffee; I’m trying to hold your 
attention as I tell the story of the science of storytelling.
There are many different ways to draw the spotlight of other people’s
 attention—and all of them instinctively or deliberately tap into basic 
human drives. Here, for example, is a very short story attributed to 
Ernest Hemingway.
For Sale: Baby shoes, never worn.
How does this story make you feel? I can speak for myself: When I first 
encountered it as an undergraduate, my attention was instantly captured.
 And when I realized, after a beat, what it meant, I felt punched in the
 gut. 
The story works because it triggers our natural negativity bias—that 
is, the hardwired human tendency to focus on the bad, threatening, 
dangerous things in life. It specifically activates the fear and despair
 we’d feel if our child died, even if we don’t yet have one of our own.
We’re really good at focusing the spotlight of our attention on what 
might hurt us—or hurt those close to us, especially our children. What 
happens in our bodies when we throw the spotlight on a threat? We get 
stressed out. 
And what’s stress? That’s a tool nature gave us to 
survive lion attacks—in other words, stress mobilizes our body’s 
resources to survive an immediate physical threat. Adrenaline pumps and 
our bodies release the hormone cortisol, sharpening our attention and 
boosting our strength and speed.
But unlike other animals, humans have the gift and the curse of being
 susceptible to stress even when we don’t face a direct physical threat.
 This we do by telling ourselves, and each other, stories. They are the 
best way we have to communicate potential threats to other humans—and 
help each other to prepare for overcoming those threats. 
Most of us will never face a flesh-and-blood lion, yet in stories we 
transform lions into potent symbols of beautiful death. That’s the 
essence of many stories: facing and overcoming dangers, which will 
persist, multiply, and mutate in our minds and, in some cases, become 
metaphors for more-immediate dangers.  
As Neil Gaiman writes in his novel 
Coraline:
 “Fairy tales are more than true: not because they tell us that dragons 
exist, but because they tell us that dragons can be beaten.”
When someone starts a story with a dragon, they’re harnessing 
negativity bias and manipulating the stress response, whether they 
intend to or not. We’re attracted to stressful stories because we are 
always afraid that it could happen to us, whatever “it” is—and we want 
to imagine how we would deal with all the many kinds of dragons that 
could rear up in our lives, from family strife to layoffs to crime. 
But we don’t necessarily need dragons to capture attention, right? At
 the very beginning of J.K. Rowling’s Harry Potter series, she slowly 
introduces us to a babe, alone in the world, under constant threat. We 
instinctively take the side of the “boy who lived” because at the 
beginning of the story, he’s so vulnerable. 
Most of the Star Wars films take 
another approach, by trying to inspire a 
sense of awe—the emotional reaction to something so vast we can’t immediately grasp it—which research shows triggers behaviors 
associated with curiosity, like turning to other people for answers.
How stories unfold in our bodies
While authors can capture our attention in many different ways, 
sooner or later a villain will appear and a conflict will develop. 
Harry Potter and the Sorcerer’s Stone
 may start gently, but Lord Voldemort looms in the background. As the 
action rises and Harry’s society of witches and wizards slides toward 
civil war, our attention sharpens and our bodies release more cortisol. 
If that doesn’t happen, a story loses us. Our spotlight turns to 
something else.
But cortisol alone isn’t enough to keep our bodies engaged with a 
story. The conflicts in Harry Potter and Star Wars grab our 
attention—and the settings can inspire awe and wonder—but they wouldn’t 
involve us nearly as much if they didn’t also include characters we come
 to care about.
As we see fictional characters interact, our bodies tend to release a neuropeptide called 
oxytocin,
 which scientists first found in nursing mothers. Oxytocin has 
subsequently turned up in studies of couples and group-bonding—indeed, 
we find oxytocin whenever humans feel close to each other, or even just 
imagine being close. That’s why stories trigger oxytocin: When Princess Leia finally told Han Solo that she loves him in 
The Empire Strikes Back, your body almost certainly released at least a trace level.
That’s not all that’s happening as we become involved in a story and its
 characters. The brain activity of both storytellers and story listeners
 starts to align thanks to 
mirror neurons,
 brain cells that fire not only when we perform an action but when we 
observe someone else perform the same action. As we become involved with
 a story, fictional things come to seem real in our bodies. The 
storyteller describes a delicious meal and the listener’s mouth can 
start to water. When the characters in the story feel sad, the 
listener’s left prefrontal cortex activates, suggesting that they feel 
sad as well.
As the plot thickens, the good author pushes the characters we care 
about into conflict with the villain. Our palms sweat, we grip the hand 
of the person next to us—who is likely having the same reaction. We 
might feel the tension in our neck. Our body is braced for a threat, but
 the threat is completely imaginary.
That’s when the storytelling miracle comes to pass: As the cortisol 
that feeds attention mixes with the oxytocin of care, we experience a 
phenomenon called “transportation.” Transportation happens when 
attention and anxiety join with our 
empathy.
In other words, we’re hooked. For the duration of the story, our 
fates become intertwined with those of imaginary people. If the story 
has a happy ending, it triggers the limbic system, the brain’s reward 
center, to release dopamine. We might be overcome by a feeling of 
optimism—the same one characters are experiencing on the page or screen.
Where do we end and where does the story begin? With the most intense, involving stories, it’s hard to tell.
How stories bring people together
         
        
         
         
          At the beginning of the series, Harry Potter is extremely vulnerable. This inspires protectiveness in the reader.
          
          
Why in the world would evolution grant us this 
ability? Why would nature actually make us crave stories and make 
transportation a pleasurable experience?
I’ve already suggested part of the answer: We need to know about 
problems and how to solve them, which can enhance our survival as 
individuals and as a species. Without a problem for the characters to 
solve, there is no story.
But there might be other reasons. Recent
 research suggests that this process of transportation in fiction 
actually increases our real-life empathic skills. Studies published in 
2013 and 2015 exposed people to literary fiction or high-quality TV—and 
then gave them the “mind in the eyes” test, in which participants look 
at letterboxed images of eyes and try to identify the emotion behind 
them. In the 
2015 study, participants who watched 
Mad Men or 
The Good Wife scored significantly higher than did those who watched documentaries or simply took the test without first watching anything. 
In other words, the empathic skills we build with stories are 
transferrable to the rest of our lives: They are advantageous in 
real-world situations where it helps to have insight into what another 
person is thinking or feeling—situations like negotiating a deal, sizing
 up a potential enemy, or understanding what our lover wants. 
All these qualities make stories adaptive, in evolutionary terms. 
They’re not just nice to hear. They can actually increase our chances of
 survival.
How stories change behavior
Research finds that stories shape our behavior in other ways that can help us to thrive.
Study after study after study finds that stories are far more persuasive than just stating the facts. For example, 
one found
 that a storytelling approach was more effective in convincing 
African-Americans at risk for hypertension to change their behavior and 
reduce their blood pressure. A 
study of low-performing science students found that reading stories of the struggles of famous scientists led to better grades. A 
paper published last year found that witnessing acts of altruism and heroism in films led to more giving in real life.
Indeed, stories actually seem to trigger the neurochemical processes 
that make certain kinds of resource-sharing possible. This biological 
activity can lead to profound behavioral changes, including costly acts 
of altruism. 
When Claremont Graduate University economist Paul Zak and colleagues 
showed a dramatic film of a father and son struggling with cancer, they 
found that both cortisol and oxytocin spiked in nearly all of the 
viewers—and that most of them donated a portion of their earnings from 
the experiment to nonprofits. This didn’t happen in participants who 
watched a simple film of the father and son wandering around a zoo. In 
fact, the researchers found that the more cortisol and oxytocin 
released, the more likely participants were to make charitable 
donations—and in one experiment, Zak found that hormone levels predicted
 donations with 80 percent accuracy.
This is the neurochemical process that makes fundraising and taxes 
possible—and inspires people to mobilize large-scale support for 
enterprises like political campaigns, churches, universities, libraries,
 or, for that matter, the United States as a nation. Stories enable us 
to form relationships with strangers and ask them to make small 
sacrifices for something that is larger than themselves. 
I picked Star Wars and Harry Potter as examples because those are 
“master narratives” that have been embraced by, without exaggeration, 
billions of people. There’s something awe-inspiring about the idea that 
those stories have changed so many  people right down to the molecular 
level, all of them together feeling that spike of cortisol when Darth 
Vader appears or that soothing flow of oxytocin when Hermione throws her
 arms around Ron after they escape some Death Eaters, our bodies 
resonating with each other across time and distance. These global 
narratives don’t just entertain; they also impart ideals of heroism, 
compassion, and self-sacrifice.
The dark side of storytelling
But this process has a dark side. Darth Vader and Lord Voldemort do 
not exist in our world, but there are certainly people who wish us 
harm—and, as the story of Anakin Skywalker so well reveals, there’s a 
shadow-self inside all of us that is capable of wishing harm on someone 
else.
A spike in cortisol can make us aggressive—one half of the “fight-or-flight” response we hear so much about—and 
oxytocin has been implicated
 in competition between groups. People dosed with oxytocin in the lab 
show strong preferences for their own in-groups, however defined, from 
school bands to fraternities. Oxytocin appears to play a role in trying 
to take what out-groups have. People dosed with oxytocin are also more 
likely to indulge in group-think—going along with collective decisions 
even when they believe those decisions are wrong.
In short, stories form groups, a process enabled by oxytocin. It is 
no accident that communities—fandoms—have sprung up around Harry Potter 
and Star Wars, sometimes in (mostly) playful competition with each 
other. It’s harmless fun for fans, but not all stories are as benign as 
these, in intent or outcomes. Stories can carry us toward ideals that 
are destructive, especially to out-groups. Stories are a form of power 
over bodies, but it’s a power that we can use or misuse. 
Take a look at this video, below, contrasting the speeches of two 
political leaders—both expert communicators—about the nuclear bombing of
 Hiroshima. And as you watch the video, think about their intentions. 
What emotions are they aiming to stir in their audiences? What kind of 
emotions do they trigger in 
you?
I’m not trying (here, at least) to tell you who to vote for in November.
 But given the power of stories, it’s dangerous to hear them without 
asking ourselves what reactions they are triggering in our bodies. Mr. 
Trump’s speech causes my stomach to clench and my mouth to go dry; in 
asking me to put my own group ahead of others, he triggers anger and 
anxiety. I believe that’s his intent. President Obama’s speech urges me 
to reflect and to think compassionately about all of humanity. His words
 lift my heart, just a bit—and, again, I believe that’s intentional.
I can feel their words in my body, but I’m not helpless against them.
 Research also suggests that people are more than capable of defending 
themselves against the power of stories. We can cognitively override the
 emotional identification and transportation stories trigger by trying 
to balance them against the facts. In cultivating awareness of the 
impact of a story, we can tell a different one, or revise the story to 
fit the facts or our own experience. We live in an story-saturated 
world—coming at us through screens as well as through pages and 
performances and music—and today, I think it’s essential for us to 
understand all the ways in which leaders and organizations are trying to
 manipulate us into believing what they want us to believe. 
A lot of psychotherapy these days involves getting people to pay 
attention to the stories they tell themselves. In therapy, we are told 
to ask ourselves: Am I telling myself a story that helps me to grow and 
flourish, or is it one that diminishes my life’s possibilities? We need 
to do the same to stories other people tell us. 
More than that, we need to look at our own responsibility for the 
well-being of others, and cultivate awareness of the impact of our own 
stories, of our own power over the bodies of other people. What 
intentions do we bring to the stories we tell? Are we using our power to
 lift people up and help them to see solutions to the problems we face 
as individuals and as groups? Or are we using our power to reveal the 
worst in ourselves, and so pit people against each other? Do we 
communicate things that make us feel good about ourselves—or that make 
us feel worse?
Stories bring us together, but they can also tear us apart. They can 
bring us joy but they can also incite hatred. We are all born with the 
power to tell stories. It’s a power we need to learn to use well and 
wisely.
This essay is based on a talk for the Berkeley Communications Conference, delivered on June 1, 2016.
Original text : https://greatergood.berkeley.edu/article/item/science_of_the_story